Female Brazilian Diaspora during The End of the World: Decolonial Narratives in Germany and Spain

Miriam Lange

Universität Duisburg-Essen (UDE) – Germany

miriam.langeguerra@stud.uni-due.de

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Resumen

Las trayectorias personales o repertorios biográficos desempeñan un papel crucial en la configuración del repertorio lingüístico de un individuo. Mi investigación se propone profundizar en este fenómeno dentro de un contexto social, examinando las desigualdades lingüísticas, las luchas y las vías para el fortalecimiento lingüístico, particularmente entre mujeres migrantes transnacionales brasileñas en España y Alemania. Estos países actúan como corredores de migración para hablantes de lenguas lusófonas, albergando poblaciones significativas a pesar de no ser países de habla portuguesa. Para lograrlo, combinaré conceptos sociolingüísticos como repertorio biográfico, identidad e ideología lingüística desde una perspectiva decolonial con enfoque práctico. Además, con el fin de traducir este marco teórico en datos concretos y en investigación-acción, las participantes estarán involucradas en la creación de cómics que narren sus historias transnacionales. En esta contribución, ilustro los desafíos específicos que enfrentan las mujeres migrantes brasileñas y subrayo la necesidad de más investigaciones para abordar las experiencias de una población gravemente poco estudiada “en el fin del mundo”.

Palabras clave: brasileñas; decolonial; repertorio lingüístico; identidad; cómics

 

Abstract 

Personal trajectories or biographical repertoires play a crucial role in shaping an individual’s linguistic repertoire. My research aims to delve into this phenomenon within the social context by examining language inequalities, struggles, and avenues for linguistic empowerment, particularly among transnational Brazilian female migrants in Spain and Germany. These countries serve as migration corridors for Lusophone speakers, hosting significant populations despite not being Portuguese-speaking countries themselves. To achieve this, I will combine sociolinguistic concepts such as biographical repertoire, identity, and language ideology, from a decolonial perspective with practice. Furthermore, to translate this theoretical framework into tangible data and action research, participants will be engaged in producing comics featuring their transnational narratives. In this contribution, I illustrate the specific challenges for female Brazilian migrants and how more research is needed to tackle the experiences of a severely under-researched population ‘during the end of the world’.

Keywords: Brazilians; decolonial; linguistic repertoire; identity; comics.

 

  • Introduction“The end of the world” has become a metaphor to describe the convergence of climate collapse, armed conflict, and global inequality. Recent environmental catastrophes—including floods in Brazil, China, and Pakistan; wildfires in California; typhoons in the Philippines; hurricanes in the U.S.; droughts in Brazil; and locust infestations in Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Tanzania—demonstrate the scale of ecological crisis. Simultaneously, the Amazon rainforest faces ongoing destruction by transnational corporations such as JBS, Cargill, and Nestlé (Global Witness). In parallel, political crises intensify: the proposed repartition of Ukraine by the U.S. and Russia, the genocide of Palestinians, and over 110 active armed conflicts globally (Geneva Academy). Following the Trump administration’s withdrawal from NATO, cuts to humanitarian programs like the World Food Program, and new export tariffs, the European Union is moving toward remilitarization since UE was created and enacting stricter migration policies (Deutsche Welle). These developments disproportionately impact migrants from the Global South, whose displacement is deeply entangled with climate disaster, war, and ongoing forms of colonial hegemony. Understanding migration in this context is essential to confronting the interconnected crises of our time.In this context, language emerges as a critical dimension of contemporary studies on mobility as literature on the migration of transnational language struggles, biographical repertoire, identity and language inclusion strongly suggests (Busch 2017, De Fina and Baynham 2016, Keating 2019). However, the case of female Brazilian diasporas and the sociolinguistic dimension of this phenomenon remains deeply underexplored. That is why, I propose to focus on language learning and migration in a comparative study between Catalonia (Spain) and North Rhine Westfalia (Germany), a perspective still absent despite a considerable population of Brazilians in both regions.

    The research questions addressed are: a) what kind of strategies do transnational female Brazilians use in their daily routine to deal with language inclusion and acquisition following migration? b) In which situations are linguistic resources seen as sites of struggle, limiting and/or excluding resources? and c) How does the participants’ transnationality negotiate and shape their identity and biographical repertoire?

    In this paper, my focus is specifically on RQ3, as initial data collection gives insights into the transnational pathways and linguistically diverse strategies that the participants use over time to achieve agency.

    This paper draws on research that also includes Action research, and it aims to bring social impact with hands-on practice by engaging participation in the local community, creating graphic narratives, and interweaving formal and informal support networks in the local community. I aim to contribute to a Southern Perspective on migration corridors by using applied sociolinguistics.

    It delves into the Brazilian migration, with particular attention to its presence in Catalonia and insights from current fieldwork. Subsequently, the methodology employed to date is outlined, including the introduction of key methodological concepts and a discussion of the interviews, surveys, and video recordings conducted with Brazilian women living in Barcelona. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the study’s findings and contributions.

    Research background and Theoretical Frame: Biographical Repertoire

    Much of the current debate revolves around biographical repertoire which proposes that all kinds of language encounters build the linguistic repertoire of an individual (Blommaert & Backus 2012, Busch 2017). The intricate relationship between language, identity and discourse throughout biographical repertoire (also called storytelling and personal narratives) has found little space under the lens of sociolinguistics, especially when considering the specific population of transnational female Brazilians since there is a great lack of research about this specific migrant group in Europe. 

    For instance, studies on biographical repertoire conducted by Busch (2017) focused on the biography of the subject analyzed as data to investigate their linguistic repertoire. She uses the concept of “Spracherleben” as a “lived experience of a language” while Keating (52-3) has demonstrated that personal narratives as a sociolinguistic tool provide a broader spectrum for analyzing how language is produced in the individual’s subjectivity. Purkarthofer and De Korne (2020) conducted a similar study for young learners with multilingual backgrounds on how children perceive their experiences through drawings. They found that these children “express meaning-making in relation to minority language education as a social space a complex ideological and material reality” (3 2020).

    Likewise, several authors have recognized that personal narratives must be investigated under the Foucauldian lens and its power relationship as well. Codó’s work (2013) on transnational biography helps us to identify if the Catalan language is relevant to their multilingual life experience. Blommaert & Backus (2013) advocate investigating the power relationship between linguistic resources and linguistic inclusion through Foucauldian study. In the same frame, Youdell’s ethnographic study (2006) during a “multicultural day” in Sidney High School with “Arabic” students highlights the importance of exploring conceptual tools such as the power relationship between discursive categories and language ideologies to shape the process of subjectivation.

    Pennycook and Sinfree (2019) propose a critical methodology of how to re-think language acquisition through language repertoire, which brings up the global south perspective of a language-lived experience. As Mahler succinctly puts it, “There are Souths in the geographic North and Norths in the geographic South” (32). Souza Santos (2014) advocates decolonizing knowledge, and that social scientists should investigate objectivity instead of neutrality while Menezes & Duboc (2021) calls for tracing back to southern concepts worked by European philosophers by working comparatively to claim social justice and a sustainable world. They argue that it is essential to trace back to the first decolonial thinkers such as Paulo Freire, who influenced them by drawing back to the Pedagogy of Freedom (1998), where language is understood to agency the individual which produces social changes.

    Budach and de Saint-Georges (2017) enrich mobility patterns with a critical approach regarding individual language repertoire (6) with a decolonial perspective (11). This has also been explored in prior studies and focused on migration, such as De Fina (2003) who conducted an ethnographic study based on the personal experiences of Mexican immigrants who crossed the borders to the USA. This work was based on biographical stories and chronicles likewise the collection of essays called “Dislocations/relocations: Narratives of Displacement” (2005) led to the book “Narrative Analysis in Migrant and Transnational Contexts” (2016) where they argue the narrative analysis is a methodological instrument to study the process of displacements, “identity struggles and transnational individuals”. 

    At present, some studies on Lusophone transnational biographical repertoires adopt a Global South perspective, which enriches this work by highlighting the importance of a decolonial framework in the academic environment. For instance, Gomes (2020) argued that it is important to raise these discussions which remain untapped by current literature (2) on how multilingualism has been researched with a “eurocentric canon of knowledge production in the past two decades” (3). Tavares (2018) conducted a study about Cape Verdean trajectories into Luxembourg based on biographical repertoire, innovative action research which “investigates the sociolinguistic trajectories and repertoires of migration between Africa and Europe, in particular between Lusophone West Africa (Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde) and Luxembourg” (Tavares et all, 2014). The biographical narratives framed with southern epistemologies encompass social life and language experiences, which are fundamental to understanding the field of sociolinguistics.

    Research context: The Brazilian Diaspora and Transnationality

    The concepts of diaspora and transnationalism often intertwine in migration studies. Zontini defines transnationalism as “a model that sees migrants as social actors and not as passive victims, but which also considers the social, political and economic power structures, at the national and international level, which limit and influence their actions” (1114). In this study, diaspora is used not only to describe mobility but also as a political consciousness of Brazilian displacement shaped by ongoing colonial legacies (Quijano, 2000; Mignolo, 2018). This is reflected in the experiences of Afro-Brazilian migrants in Barcelona, such as those shared by Dai Sombra Aisha, founder of the Afro-Brazilian Diaspora group: “The idea is that we are Afro-Brazilians, but we also make exceptions for Lusophone people… It’s a space for exchange, learning, and one where no one discredits another’s lived experience” (interview, 2024). 

    Her words align with Kilomba’s view of diaspora as memory, resistance, and identity negotiation (72). Transnationalism is used here in tandem with diaspora to highlight the individual trajectories of the participants, following Zontini’s approach. While this research centres on Brazilian women, it does so acknowledge the relevance of race and colourism. As this project evolves, it will also incorporate reflections on racism, sexism, and xenophobia, when expressed in participants’ narratives.

    The migration from former Portuguese colonies to Portugal is deeply intertwined with the country’s colonial history. Since Portugal’s integration into the European Union in 1986 and the Schengen Area in 1991, as well as the processes of globalization, Lusophone migration has significantly increased. By 2023, migrants from Portuguese-speaking countries accounted for approximately 56.5% of the total foreign population in Portugal, with Brazilians comprising 35.3% of this group (Baganha, Marques & Gois, 2008; SEF, 2023). This growth in migration has also extended to other EU nations, including Spain and Germany. As noted by Keating & Solovova (2010), Portugal’s “bipolar status” in Europe, where Portuguese functions both as a dominant and a minority language, reflects the complex sociolinguistic dynamics in the region.

    In Catalonia, Brazilians form a notable part of the foreign population, with 9,377 residents officially registered in Barcelona (Idescat). Similarly, in Germany, Portuguese speakers constitute 0.677% of the foreign population in cities like Bonn and Cologne, according to the Central Register of Foreigners (AZR). Though small, this percentage has grown steadily, reflecting the evolving dynamics of Lusophone communities. Portuguese’s sociolinguistic ecology is marked by its minority status in multilingual spaces, despite being a dominant EU language. Keating & Solovova (2011) emphasize the dual roles of Portuguese: as a language of resistance and dialogue in minority contexts and as a structured national and diasporic language shaped by monolingual ideologies (1252). This complexity offers a lens to study Portuguese within global south perspectives.

    Literature Review: The Female Brazilian Diaspora

    Although the broader Brazilian diaspora has been the subject of extensive scholarship, few studies focus specifically on Brazilian women. Azeredo (2024) highlights that while the literature on the Brazilian diaspora is rich, it tends to be geographically dispersed. Most studies focus on Brazilian migrants’ experiences within specific countries or regions, with less attention given to transnational issues impacting the diaspora (Azeredo, 2024: 2). Traditionally, Brazilian migration studies have treated migrants as subjects defined by their differences from the host countries, examining intra-community dynamics and group identity as homogeneous (Azeredo, 2024).

    Brazilian migration reached its peak flow in the 1980s, as the country grappled with severe economic crises, hyperinflation, and pervasive violence resulting from extreme social and economic inequality. During this time, Brazilians began migrating to the USA (Margolis 2008, 2013) and to Japan, following a long history of Japanese migration to Brazil in the 1920s and 1930s (Bornstein, 1992). From the 2000s onwards, Brazilian migration started to be studied through a Portuguese lens, as seen in studies such as Peixoto’s New Migrations in Portugal (2009) and Pontes’ Mulheres Brasileiras na Mídia Portuguesa (2004).

    In Europe, Brazilian migration has been studied from various perspectives, including religious dynamics (Rocha, 2009) and social capital and networks (Roggeveen & Meeteren, 2013; Robins, 2019). Research in Ireland focused on ethnic identity and integration (Sherigan, 2009), while Cogo (2006) explored media and interculturality in the Brazilian and Spanish press. Ripoll (2008) examined the dynamics between Brazil and Spain, and Di Martino (2024) focused on the strategies employed by highly educated Brazilian women in Spain. In Germany, Lidola (2013) studied Brazilian women’s experiences with work, race, class, and nationality. Despite these contributions, there is limited research on Brazilian women in Germany and Spain, particularly in cities like Bonn, Cologne, and Catalonia.

    Methodology

    Transnational Mapping of Female Brazilian Women in Barcelona

    This section delves into the transnational networks and communities that shape the migration experiences of Brazilian women in Barcelona, offering a contextual framework for understanding their lived realities. It highlights how these women navigate their lives within the city, emphasizing the broader dynamics of the Brazilian diaspora. Drawing on theoretical insights from previous sections, it connects the lived experiences of Brazilian women with the larger concepts of transnationalism and diaspora.

    To provide a deeper understanding, a summary of an in-depth interview with Afro-Brazilian activist Dai Sombra Aisha is included. Dai’s significant contributions to various collectives, such as “Afrobrasilidades” (Afro-Brazilian Group), “Ciclo Mulheres” (Circle of Women), and “Mujeres Brasileñas Contra el Fascismo y Racismo” (Brazilian Women Against Fascism and Racism), form an integral part of this research’s mapping of Brazilian NGOs and associations in the region. The personal interview, recorded on 26 November 2024, is summarized and translated by the interviewer, shedding light on her insights and experiences in these community-building initiatives.

    “Mujeres Brasileñas Contra el Fascismo y Racismo” was created in 2018 following the assassination of Marielle Franco. This collective emerged with a clear mission to combat fascism and racism, connecting local struggles in Brazil with broader global movements. Its activism is marked by a firm and direct political engagement, rooted in solidarity and resistance. In the same year, “Ciclo Mulheres” was formed as a contrasting yet complementary space. Unlike the more combative approach of “Mujeres Brasileñas Contra el Fascismo”, “Ciclo Mulheres” centres on self-care and emotional connection. It fosters a sense of collectivity through activities such as book clubs, film screenings, and artistic gatherings. While the group is guided by feminine energy, it remains inclusive, welcoming the participation of men who share its values.

    After spending four years in Brazil, I began reflecting on the concept of quilombismo and its relevance in the diaspora. This led to deeper engagement in how processes of quilombismo could be recreated abroad to reinforce identity, community bonds, and a sense of cultural continuity. In 2020, amid the pandemic, the “Afro-Brasilidade Group” was formed to promote virtual quilombismo among Afro-Brazilians and Black Lusophones. This initiative focuses on mutual support, sharing experiences, and the organization of cultural events, fostering connection in times of isolation.

    Finally, building on these experiences, “Quilombo Unido” was co-founded in 2021. The project seeks to integrate capoeira with politics and history, aiming to connect with capoeira schools and broaden the practice beyond its physical aspects. The goal is to emphasize capoeira’s cultural, historical, and political dimensions, reinforcing its roots as a form of resistance and collective empowerment.

    Besides these groups founded by Dai Sombra Aisha, there are other groups in Barcelona. The first Brazilian association in Catalonia, “Abrascat” (Asociación Brasileña en Cataluña), was founded in November 2015 as “Apoio Brazucas”. This group began with a few members but quickly grew, offering support on issues like legalization, housing, and employment. It expanded through WhatsApp and later Facebook, reaching over 3,000 members. Eventually, with support from a Catalan social worker, it was formalized as an association, the “Associação de Brasileiros na Catalunya”, officially established after three years of effort.

    Additionally, cultural and social groups such as “Forró Barcelona, Coco Barcelona, Forró Cataluña”, and “Roda de Choro” gather at venues like” Cafofo BCN”, a Brazilian Cultural Centre, and “L’Oculta” (a self-managed cooperative focused on migrant and racialized art). Associations like “APBC – Associação de Pais de Brasileirinhos na Catalunha” (Parents Association of Catalonia ), and “Casa da Gente” (Our House) also provide support to women and FLINTA individuals within the Brazilian community. Moreover, bars, events, and Brazilian celebrations such as the Brazilian Day in September further contribute to the community’s cohesion. Likewise, Capoeira groups are extraordinarily strong entities in Barcelona. Similarly, organizations dedicated to fostering artistic production, such as Diaspora Productora (Diaspora Producer), are emerging with a strong political stance.

    These spaces require further fieldwork, as each has distinct characteristics. People may participate in multiple associations simultaneously, navigating between them, and may not fully belong to any one group. Another crucial aspect to consider is the geographic contrast between Barcelona and Brazil. The dynamics of how individuals from various Brazilian states interact within the comparatively smaller and more condensed space of Barcelona offer a fascinating area of analysis. Additionally, the shared identification as migrants in Barcelona takes on diverse meanings depending on everyone’s regional and cultural background from Brazil.

     This complexity makes it essential to approach them as complex, rather than homogeneous groups.

    Data collection

    To keep up with our research time, Heller, Pietikäinen, and Pujolar (2017) have written a methodological guide to aid in critical ethnography sociolinguistics research and the role of language in social inequalities and differences, in which this study is grounded: Sociolinguistics Research Methods: Studying Language Issues that Matter (SRM, 2022), and also Epistemologies of the South and the future from Boaventura (2016) Menezes & Duboc (2021) Quijano (2000;2007), Mignolo (2010); Mignolo & Walsh (2018) and Segato (2022).

    Thus far, two online surveys and surveys have been conducted. The first online survey between Catalonia/Bonn and Cologne with 42 participants. The second one is in Brazil with four participants. Finally, the interviews conducted in Barcelona in 2024, consisting of mixed methods of semi-structured interviews with eight participants, form part of the ongoing fieldwork. This section is organized as follows, presenting the fieldwork followed by the results and their interpretation. 

    Approaching the Field

    Based on the critical methodology aforementioned, the choice to undertake comparative research in both countries aligns with my researcher’s perspective and transnational linguistic biography. As Mignolo (2) argues, knowledge is always situated, and it is essential to recognize how epistemic locations—such as those from the Global South—inform the researcher’s approach. This perspective is reflected in my professional and volunteering background in both countries, which enabled me to establish a reliable network and connections with migrants from the Global South. As Quijano (78) notes, understanding the coloniality of power allows one to see how migration is shaped by both historical and structural inequalities. My own experiences in both contexts offer an opportunity to challenge dominant Eurocentric knowledge frameworks by incorporating the lived experiences of migrants, in line with the ideas of Boaventura de Sousa Santos (22), who advocates for an “ecology of knowledge,” where local, marginalized experiences are essential to creating more just and inclusive knowledge systems.

    My biographical repertoire and connection to Catalonia and NRW led me to choose these cities for my ethnographic study. In line with how racialized and marginalized bodies navigate spaces of belonging, my decision to focus on Barcelona reflects the way these personal, emotional connections to space shape research choices. Furthermore, Rita Segato’s (19) insights into the coloniality of gender emphasize how the lives of migrant women are shaped not only by the structures of power but also by how they fluidly negotiate and navigate their place within these structures. Segato argues that migrant women’s agency and their way of reclaiming spaces of power and self-representation should be central to understanding power dynamics. This perspective complements my focus on how the Brazilian migrant women in my study experience migration transnational language struggles, biographical repertoire, identity, and language inclusion within the complex social and linguistic structures in Barcelona.

     Both Spain and Germany serve as significant migration corridors for Lusophone speakers and host substantial populations from Portuguese-speaking countries (see Table 1). Despite being non-Portuguese-speaking countries, these regions offer critical insights into why migrants choose Germany and Spain over the more linguistically familiar Portugal (Gomes 2020; Horst, Pereira, and Sheringham 2016; Zaponi 2015; Keating 2011). The comparative nature of the research across these two countries aligns with the critical methodology employed, enhancing the transnational linguistic biography approach. This comparison provides a broader perspective on migration dynamics and language practices. Furthermore, the researcher’s professional and volunteer experience in both countries facilitated the establishment of a reliable network of contacts among migrants from the Global South. This pre-existing network has been instrumental in enabling the ethnographic study proposed in this project.

    Results: Migration Corridors

    Statistical data on migration were gathered from key sources, including the Statistical Institute of Catalonia (Idescat), the Spanish National Statistical Institute (INE), and the German Central Register of Foreigners (Ausländerzentralregister, AZR). These databases were analyzed to identify concentrations of Lusophone communities, particularly those from former Portuguese colonies, with a specific focus on the Brazilian community in the chosen regions. 

    Spain Germany
    Highest Lusophone population (documented) in Spain & Germany  Madrid: 19.293

    Barcelona: 17.123

    NRW: 12.185

    Bayern: 10.390

    Cities with the highest Brazilian (documented) population in Catalonia & NRW  Barcelona: 7.268 Köln: 1.560

    Table 1: Statistic Migration Database: Data Analysis for the Statistical Report

    Source: Statistical Institute of Catalonia 2020 (Idescat); Spanish National Statistical Institute (INE); Das Ausländerzentralregister (AZR) 2021; own development 2021

    The data collected from INE and Idescat points out that Catalonia has the second-biggest Portuguese-speaker community all over Spain and the most established associations and NGOs for Brazilian-speaker migrants, such as ABRASCAT (Brazilian Association of Catalonia). According to AZR, Köln has the highest number of migrants from Portugal’s former colonies (Angola, São Tomé e Príncipe, Mozambique, Cape Verde, Brazil, Equatorial Guinea, Macau and Timor Leste). Likewise, both places have the most organized associations to aid migrants from this origin like Brasilianer in Köln. Moreover, North Rhine-Westphalia also concentrates the second biggest Brazilian community in Germany after Bayern, respectively in Köln and Bonn.

    One of the questions that arise here is why to migrated to Germany and Spain, and not the obvious language choice of Portugal. After a closer look at the statistical numbers, stage three was implemented.

    Following the statistical analysis, a qualitative survey was conducted with 42 participants drawn from Brazilian migrant communities in Catalonia, Bonn, and Köln. These participants were reached through Facebook and WhatsApp groups in 2021. The survey explored themes of migration, language, and identity, as presented in the accompanying tables.

    Table 2 

    This response allows several interpretations, for example, most of them came due to work opportunities, which traces back to economic issues in their country of origin. This decision-making can be analyzed through the decolonial lens by asking: How does their transnationality negotiate and shape their identity and biographical repertoire?

    Table 3: Transnational mapping 

    Age Hometown 1ª. Stay 2ª. Stay 3ª. Stay 4ª. Stay
    20-29 Entrerios/Ar Potsdam
    Total: 3 Aracajú/Se São Paulo Bonn Köln
      Goiania Berlin
    30-39 São Paulo Berlin
    Total: 13 São Paulo Dublin Paris Köln
      Rio de Janeiro Köln
      Manaus Brasilia Köln
      Fortaleza Taranto/Italy Köln
      Paratins/Am Titz/NRW
      Brasil (n.s ¹) Munich Berlin
      Salvador/BA U.K Germany (n.s)
      São Paulo Berlin
      Brazil (n.s) Berlin
      Espirito Santo Cape Town Barcelona
      São Paulo Barcelona
      São Paulo Lisboa Madrid Barcelona
    40-49 Rio de Janeiro Germany (n.s)
    Total: 16 Recife Gelderland/Holland
      São Paulo Bergish/NRW
      São Caetano do Sul Berlin
      Feliz/RS La Jonquera
      Brazil (n.s) Belem do Pará Köln
      Curitiba Berlin
      Rio de Janeiro Dussendorlf Berlin Köln Wuppertal
      Campinas Campo Grande Barcelona
      Presidente Prudente Erlanger Berlin
      São Paulo Berlin
      São Paulo Valencia Barcelona
      Rio de Janeiro Darmstadt Barcelona St Cugat
      Rio de Janeiro Barcelona
      São Paulo Campinas St Cugat
      Campinas La llagosta
    50-60 Sao Leopoldo Remscheid/NRW
    Total: 7 São Paulo Tarragona
      São Paulo Italy (n.s)
      São Paulo Irland Japan Barcelona
      São Paulo London
      Monte Carmelo Natal Hamburgo
      São Paulo Terrassa
    N.S. Age Belo Horizonte St Oliva/Es
    Total: 2 São Paulo Guadalajara/MX Barcelona

    1 – N.S = Not Specified

    This table highlights the frequency of migration across several borders and as part of a (potentially) ongoing trajectory. It is part of the complex web surrounding language problems regarding migration, globalization and inequalities, including mobility inequalities. This research continues to comprehend the why, how, and what stories these social actresses narrate about their transnational lived experience of languages, and the research question: what kind of strategies do transnational female Brazilian speakers use in their daily routine to deal with language inclusion and acquisition following migration? Additional data, being collected in an ongoing process, will further illustrate this point in upcoming publications. 

    Table 4: Language Planning 

    Second Language 

     

    Previous Language Knowledge

     

    Perception of Language as Exclusion1

     

    + Japanese = 2

    + English = 3 

    + Spanish = 1

     

    Spanish/Catalan 

    Total = 11 

    No knowledge= 7 

    A1/A2 = 2

    B1/B2 = 2

    German Total= 24

    Nothing= 16

     A1/A2 = 6

     B1/B2 =2 

    No previous knowledge of any host language = 7

     

     

    “Language I mainly use to exclude others” = 19

    “I assume language would include if I knew it” =

    17

    “Language could be used to include or exclude” =

    “I have experienced in both ways” = 6

     

    1. Sample statements are taken from the answers to the survey. 

    This survey helped clarify the research direction. Participants were asked the following questions, as reflected in the table: Did you already know the language of the country you migrated to? If not, are you learning it? Why or why not? In your current country of residence, which language do you use most in daily life? Does the local language exclude or include you socially? Does this vary by context?

    Most participants did not speak the local language before migrating—especially those who moved through marriage, notably to Germany. Similarly, several participants who migrated to Catalonia were unaware of the official status of Catalan alongside Spanish. While Spanish is commonly used in Barcelona due to its multicultural environment, Catalan predominates in the countryside, where most survey participants now reside. Some initially felt linguistically included due to the similarity between Portuguese and Spanish, but upon encountering Catalan, their perceptions shifted, and many began taking language classes.

    These findings underscored the importance of conducting additional interviews and surveys during a follow-up visit to Brazil. This second phase involved a smaller group, consisting of four women who were planning to emigrate soon. The focus was on understanding their preparations for language acquisition, their expectations regarding the migration experience, and their intended migration routes, as demonstrated below in Table 5.

    Table 5: preparations (including foreign language learning) and expectations BEFORE migrating.

    Linguistic preparation before moving? Is the country where you are migrating now your final stop? What expectations do you have about moving to another country? Could you describe them below?
    Yes First stop (China) A bit of fear and joy. At the same time, I like to learn about new cultures.
    No Final Stop-Portugal I think I will have a better quality of life, but I will have a lot of cultural difficulties.
    Didn’t matter when I migrated the first time (she came back to Brazil after the first migration) Final Stop – Germany I feel alive for the first time.
    No response provided It depends – Canada first, if not, somewhere in Europe Quality of life. This means living in a financially stable and secure country.

    This was one of the most challenging surveys in terms of participant recruitment with four participants, as it focused on women who were in the process of planning their migration. The most common motivations cited were improved quality of life and job opportunities. Participants were also asked whether the official language of the destination influenced their choice; three affirmed this, while one migrated due to marriage. Notably, two participants did not consider their initial destination as their final one, highlighting the fluidity of their migration trajectories and their evolving expectations.

    After returning to Barcelona with the collected data, additional mixed methods of semi-structured interviews were conducted. The objective was to refine the approach for the graphic narrative workshop, assessing its feasibility and determining the most suitable structure based on participants’ availability and level of interest in engaging with the initiative. This mixed-methods study, based on semi-structured interviews conducted in 2024 with eight participants in Barcelona, was titled “How Would You Like to Tell Your Story?” It explored preferred artistic forms for narrating biographical experiences, language struggles, and senses of belonging, as Figure 5 below shows:

    Figure 5 – How would you like to tell your story? 

    Figure 5 presents responses to the question: “Did you know the language of the country you migrated to beforehand?” Most participants answered “no.” One noted they thought they knew Spanish due to its similarity to Portuguese, while another spoke Italian but moved to Barcelona after living in Italy, requiring the acquisition of a new language. These responses align with Table 5 on prior language planning and highlight how such planning shapes participants’ biographical repertoires.

    Discussion of the results

    The data collected underscores the need for further research into this group’s narratives and the complexities of their language-related experiences. Their responses are lined with the research questions (RQ) of this study.

    RQ 1 &2 – Language barriers emerged as a significant factor contributing to feelings of exclusion. Most participants reported not engaging in language planning before migration, which meant they had not learned German, Catalan or Spanish before arriving in their host countries. Interestingly, Brazilians in North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) reported feeling more excluded than those in Catalonia. Initially, it was thought that this difference could potentially be attributed to the linguistic similarities between Catalan, Spanish and Portuguese, which might facilitate linguistic inclusion in Catalonia. However, this idea was also broken as one of the participants interviewed in Barcelona said, which resumes the sense of belonging and language barriers from all of them: 

    Yes, in Barcelona, you constantly feel like a foreigner. You are always aware that you are an immigrant—they are very protective, especially after the referendum. I’ve been here for eight years, and I’m still searching for a place in the city where I can just be. (Personal interview, 2024)

    The linguistic dimensions of Catalan and Spanish are also explored in this study. All participants reported experiencing a sense of marginalization due to their limited Catalan proficiency, which they associate with being perceived as outsiders by the Catalan community. Only one participant is fluent in Catalan. As interviews are still ongoing, a more comprehensive analysis of Catalan society, bilingualism, the Catalan independence movement, language policies and ideologies, and migration will be conducted once data collection is completed.

    RQ 3: From a decolonial perspective, a recurring theme across the surveys is that Brazilian migrants are frequently perceived as a homogeneous group and subjected to uniform stereotypes. This generalization overlooks the diversity within the community and reinforces patterns of exclusion. Additionally, most participants cited economic reasons as the primary motivation for migration, often linked to work opportunities. This decision-making process, when analyzed through a decolonial lens, reflects the enduring economic inequalities and dependencies rooted in historical colonial structures.

    The study also challenges the traditional notion of migration as a linear journey from one country to another. Instead, transnational mapping of participants’ experiences reveals that most have lived in at least three different countries. This complexity highlights the dynamic and multilayered nature of their migration paths.

    Conclusion

    This research highlights the complex relationship between migration, language, and identity within the underexplored context of transnational Brazilian female migrants in Spain and Germany. By employing a decolonial perspective, the study seeks to critically examine Eurocentric frameworks, following Mignolo’s notion that “this detachment consists of denaturalizing concepts and conceptual fields that totalize a single reality” (Mignolo, 2010: 35). This study thus re-learns and reframes knowledge using situated, action-based methodologies, moving beyond the historical Eurocentric canon to highlight how Europe’s geopolitical context, which fails to recognize its role as a product of coloniality and often silences or marginalizes migrant voices.

    The metaphor of “the end of the world,” introduced at the beginning of this article, refers not to an apocalyptic future, but to the collapse of a world system: one built on coloniality, ecological extraction, and global inequality. The women at the centre of this research are not only navigating this collapse—they are narrating it, living it, and resisting it through language. Their transnational experiences, shaped by displacement, multilingual negotiation, and systemic exclusion, are pivotal to comprehending deeply linguistic inequalities.

    Moreover, the findings thus far underscore the diversity of experiences among Brazilian migrants, challenging perceptions of them as a homogeneous group while reflecting broader socio-political dynamics. These include consideration of the socio-political contexts of all the places they have lived, starting with Brazil’s geopolitical landscape and the factors that motivated their migration. Furthermore, it will be particularly interesting if the findings help illuminate how and if linguistic repertoire is influenced by colonial discourse and whether, and how, they transform, subvert, or are re-created through the migratory experience.

    In this critical moment—marked by climate emergency, geopolitical conflict, and what has been described as the end of the world, Brazilian migrant women’s narratives are not just testimonials. They are decolonial acts of survival, creativity, and resistance. Through their autobiographical graphic narratives, this study will analyze ways of belonging, language inequalities, identity, and challenging dominant linguistic narratives. 

    This study emphasizes the need for further exploration of these lived experiences, to enrich academic discourse and foster actionable frameworks to address linguistic and social inequities in migration contexts during the end of the world. 

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